This report assesses China’s invitation to Taliban Defence Minister Mullah Yaqoub Mujahid against the backdrop of US interest in regaining access to Bagram Air Base.
This report evaluates Armenia’s agreement with China to establish a Confucius University in Yerevan, assessing its economic, political, and strategic consequences.
This report analyses the outcomes of the 25th Summit of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), held in Tianjin, China, from August 31 to September 1, 2025.
This report analyses China’s recent diplomatic and economic activities in Afghanistan and Pakistan, with a focus on agreements that aim to boost trade, security collaboration, and infrastructure development.
From 1 to 5 August 2025, the Russian Pacific Fleet and the People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) are conducting a bilateral naval exercise entitled Maritime Interaction – 2025 in the Sea of Japan/East Sea.
This report assesses the strategic credibility, practical feasibility, and geopolitical implications of the planned Chinese investment trip to Chechnya in July 2025.
This report analyses the strategic implications of the Israel–Iran conflict on China’s regional interests, focusing on the disruption of Beijing’s energy, logistical, and geopolitical investments.
This report evaluates the developing strategic relationship between Beijing and the Central Asian republics in the context of the Second China–Central Asia Summit in June 2025 considering also recent trends in Eurasia such as the Israeli-Iranian conflict.
This report outlines the contents of a leaked eight-page planning document by the FSB’s Department of Counterintelligence Operations (DKRO), which describes China as a significant intelligence threat to the Russian Federation.
This report examines the evolution of bilateral relations between the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, contextualising them within Beijing’s broader strategic interests in South Asia and the Arabian Sea.
This report evaluates the strategic implications of the new China-Iran railway corridor. It highlights Iran’s geopolitical importance as a multimodal Eurasian hub and analyses the competing interests of major powers vying for influence over Iranian ports.
This report analyses the bilateral relations between China and Nepal, considering Beijing’s interests in South Asia according to the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) project. We examine the economic and strategic dynamics defining cooperation between the two countries, assessing the impact of the PRC’s growing influence on Nepal’s domestic affairs.
This report investigates China’s proposal for a Global Energy Interconnection (GEI), an eighteen-line ultra-high voltage (UHV) network linking over 80 countries with renewable energy and smart-grid infrastructure. The project represents a major geopolitical development with profound implications for the global energy governance.
This report assesses the trajectory, achievements, and limitations of Beijing’s “Made in China 2025” (MIC2025) industrial strategy and examines its geopolitical ramifications ten years after its launch. MIC2025 aimed to upgrade China’s manufacturing sector, reduce dependence on foreign technology, and position Chinese firms as global leaders in key high-tech industries.
This report analyses the sixth meeting of the Foreign Ministers of China and the Central Asian republics, held in Almaty, and situates it within the broader geopolitical contest unfolding across Eurasia. China’s aim to solidify its regional power through planned dialogue, economic ties, and infrastructure projects demonstrates a long-term strategy.
This report assesses the geopolitical implications of President Ilham Aliyev’s state visit to China from April 22 to 24, 2025, within the broader context of Azerbaijan’s developing foreign policy. The growing economic interdependence with China, however, poses complex strategic implications for Azerbaijan’s geopolitical balancing act.
This report analyses the influence of the Ukrainian conflict on Moscow and Beijing’s economic-military relations and their respective perspectives the geopolitical dynamics of the Asia-Pacific region.
In the last years, and especially now during Trump Administration, both the United States and the People’s Republic of China have competed in Central Asia because of the region’s strategic role in the Eurasian geopolitical chessboard.
This report evaluates the geopolitical and security implications of the recent killing of a Chinese worker in Afghanistan, focusing specifically on the Sino-Taliban relationship. The analysis considers the role of militant groups operating across the border and forecasts potential outcomes that could affect China’s strategic objectives in Central Asia and its broader regional influence.
This report outlines recent developments regarding the Wakhan Corridor, specifically focusing on the increasing Chinese presence in the region. The visit of three Chinese military intelligence officers to the Wakhan Corridor is a significant event showing Beijing’s increasing strategic focus on the region.
Geopolitical Report ISSN 2785-2598 Volume 49 Issue 1 Author: Antonio Graceffo For over seventy years, the people of Burma have fought relentlessly against successive military juntas that have ruled the country with an iron fist, striving for democratic change.
The China-Mongolia-Russia Economic Corridor (CMREC) initiative, set for deployment in the latter half of the 2020s, represents a trilateral ambition to fortify regional economic integration and elevate transnational trade efficiency across Eurasia.
The construction of the At-Bashy Trade and Logistics Centre and the proposed China-Kyrgyzstan-Uzbekistan (CKU) railway underscores Beijing’s aim to enhance trade connectivity, bypass traditional routes through Russia, and consolidate its influence in Central Asia.
The following report investigates the role of the “REBUS 2024” forum in Tatarstan as a catalyst for expanding Sino-Russian economic ties and regional cooperation.
China’s involvement in Myanmar (Burma), particularly in supporting ethnic military alliances, is a complex and evolving issue. China has strategic interests in Myanmar, including economic investments, infrastructure projects under the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), and a desire to maintain stability in its neighboring country and trade partner.
In response to the US strategy of political-military containment in the Asia-Pacific region, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) has recognised the strategic importance of the China-Mongolia-Russia Economic Corridor (a component of the Belt and Road Initiative) in enhancing the energy-industrial infrastructure and expanding the Chinese economic and cultural influence in Central Asia.
The meeting between Russian President Vladimir Putin and Chinese President Xi Jinping is of paramount importance in the current international landscape. Despite the regularity of their encounters, this visit holds unique significance, because both Moscow and Beijing want to send a powerful message to the international community about their enduring strategic partnership amidst global challenges.
Developing and improving the socioeconomic conditions in the Far East is of utmost importance for the Russian Federation, as it offers a substantial opportunity for economic growth and strategic influence. In this scenario, although Beijing might be one of the key investors in the region, there is also the possibility of a conflict between Russia and China for the control and influence of the Far East’s regional dynamics and economic market.
The landscape of foreign direct investment (FDI) in Kyrgyzstan highlights the China-Russia competition in the Central Asian republic with China emerging as the principal investor, surpassing Russia and Kazakhstan.
The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) project, launched by Xi Jinping in 2013, identified the Xinjiang Autonomous Region (XUAR) as a vital component in expanding China’s political and economic reach in Central Asia and addressing the Malacca dilemma. Taking into consideration geography, economics, and the complicated Uyghur situation, the analysis seeks to understand Beijing’s interests in XUAR.
In the backdrop of a three-nation military exercise involving the United States, South Korea, and Japan in the East China Sea, this report delves into the intricate geopolitical landscape surrounding the Korean Peninsula. Analysing the growing relations between China and South Korea, we scrutinise the multifaceted factors influencing Beijing’s strategic calculus.
Nauru’s recent decision to transition diplomatic recognition from Taiwan to China has far-reaching consequences, significantly impacting the geopolitical landscape in the Pacific region. This strategic move aligns with the broader trend of nations prioritising economic ties with Beijing over historical diplomatic affiliations. As the number of nations recognising Taiwan dwindles, the dynamics of regional alliances and security structures are evolving.
This report delves into the intricate details of the China-Thailand collaboration, aiming to dissect the implications of their alliance and shed light on potential future strategies that China may employ to solidify its position in the Thai market. The evolving dynamics between these two nations hold implications not only for their bilateral relations but also for the broader geopolitical landscape in the Asia-Pacific region.
The construction of the Persian Gulf Bridge between Qeshm and the Iranian mainland stands out as a pivotal project showcasing the growing collaboration between Tehran and Beijing. This on-site report aims to uncover the current status of exchanges between China and Iran, focusing on the potential advantages and outcomes linked to the construction of the Persian Gulf bridge.
The collaborative efforts in the tourism sector and Chinese investments in Iranian free economic zones and infrastructure are fortifying the economic ties between Beijing and Tehran
The 10th Cooperation Forum China – Central Asia, held recently in Xiamen, underscored Beijing’s strategic approach in the region and highlighted Central Asian nations’ imperative to enhance their connectivity and collaboration with the Chinese market.
The recent bilateral meeting between Kazakh and Xinjiang authorities substantiated the collaborative commitment between Astana and Beijing, highlighting the pivotal role that the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR) may assume in bolstering regional connectivity and facilitating the realisation of the Belt and Road Initiative.
In an ever-evolving geopolitical landscape, the perception of a waning United States influence in the Middle East has gained momentum. This shift has sparked debates about the extent of the US disengagement and the emerging roles of other global players, particularly China.
Chinese Minister of Defence’s visit to Russia and Belarus reflects the cooperation between these countries in the realm of defence and highlights the significance of multilateral discussions in ensuring global stability and security.
The inauguration of the Analytical Centre for China Studies in Bishkek marks a significant milestone in China-Kyrgyzstan cooperation, underscoring Beijing’s strategic approach towards the Central Asian republic.
The first China-Central Asia Summit and the second EU-Central Asia Economic Forum highlighted Beijing and Brussels’ interests and competition in the region.
The KazanForum 2023 and the “China-Central Asia” Summit definitely emphasise Kremlin and Beijing’s strategies in Eurasia and the Islamic world’s strategic areas in time of confrontation with the West.
Mongolian Foreign Affairs Minister’s upcoming visit to China emphasised the relations between Ulaanbaatar and Beijing and the Chinese strategy to increase its influence in the Asian country because of strategic position and significant natural resources.
The construction of the Dushanbe-Kulma highway, thanks to the Chinese investment, might support the interconnection between the Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous Region (GBAO) and the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR) with the final goal of improving local economies and stabilising these two strategic regions.
Oil transactions between Saudi Arabia and China could be denominated in the Chinese yuan, a significant development in the evolving international economic and geopolitical landscape. If this move happens, it could have far-reaching implications for the US dollar’s status as the dominant global currency, as well as for US-Saudi relations and broader regional dynamics in the Middle East.
Iran and Saudi Arabia, longtime regional rivals, have agreed to resume friendly diplomatic relations and reopen their embassies after Chinese-led negotiations in Beijing. The two governments announced the agreement via their respective state media agencies and China’s Xinhua News Agency.
Chinese President Xi Jinping is paying an official visit to Saudi Arabia to affirm Beijing’s influence in the Gulf and contrast the U.S. presence in the region.
Due to Malacca’s geopolitical centrality, China has strengthened economic-diplomatic dialogue and relations with Southeast Asian countries, especially Indonesia.
On October 16th, 2022, Xi Jinping opened the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC) in a speech lasting about two hours, outlining the main challenges that the People’s Republic of China (PRC) will have to face in the coming years to pursue the China Dream policy design.
Due to its geographical position in the Asia-Pacific, Myanmar plays a strategic role in China’s regional policy, especially in connection with the Malacca Dilemma.
Geopolitical Report ISSN 2785-2598 Volume 23 Issue 2 – In recent years, the People’s Republic of China has heavily invested in renewable resources, particularly in the hydropower sector. Under the Xi Jinping administration, this energy sector has progressively assumed a role in sustaining part of the electricity demand of both the industrial and civil sectors.
Tajikistan and China discussed economic, political and regional security cooperation, confirming Beijing’s rising role in Tajik local dynamics and Central Asia at the expense of Moscow’s regional strategy.
The forthcoming first Arab – China summit scheduled in Saudi Arabia confirms Beijing’s interests in the Gulf Arab monarchies and the Middle East and Riyadh’s strategy of diversifying its political and commercial partners and decreasing its dependence on the United States.
China and Japan are competing in the East China Sea on the local energy resources considered fundamental in Beijing’s economic and foreign policy and Tokyo’s strategic approach to the Asia-Pacific.
The People’s Republic of China and the United States have embarked on a foreign policy aimed at influencing political and economic dynamics in Vietnam, a republic in the Asia-Pacific which plays a strategic role thanks to its geographical position.
US Indo-Pacific Command coordinated the Valiant Shield exercise conducted near the second island chain and in the Philippine Sea to counter the Chinese presence in the Asia-Pacific.
This analysis attempts to understand the Xi Jinping administration’s geopolitical vision for Hong Kong by examining the National security law and the economic-financial interaction between the PRC economy and Fragrant Harbour.
The United States and its allies will watch closer the growing partnership between China and the Solomon Islands monitoring whether Beijing will manage to build a military base in a country that plays a strategic role in the Pacific.
Due to its strategic position and natural resources, China has elaborated a Polar Silk Road to play a leading role in the Arctic zone, attempting to develop joint projects with local actors, especially the Russian Federation, opening a new transit route for its goods.
The war in Ukraine provided Serbia with an opportunity to continue and boost the policy, which was already unfolding even before the war, of replacing Russia with China as Serbia’s primary non-Western partner.
On April 21st, 2022, China announced the launch of six new warships and two types of advanced vessel-based helicopters, confirming Beijing’s strategy to play a decisive role in the Asia-Pacific region and contrast U.S. military presence in the area.
China showed on national television its military hardware such as the two aircraft carriers Shandong and Liaoning which might be deployed in the South China Sea to expand Beijing’s control and influence in the region.
Beijing deployed J-20 fighter jets in the South China Sea, confirming its military strategy and geopolitical interests in the region and its will to counter any external military forces in the area.
The recent Tajikistan-China business forum to develop investment cooperation highlighted Beijing’s economic strategy in the Central Asian republic and Dushanbe’s attempt to diversify its economy and attract more Chinese investors in its infrastructural projects.
In the geopolitical project presented in 2013 by the Xi Jinping Presidency for the Asia-Pacific region called China Dream, Beijing attributed a high degree of geostrategic importance to the coastline of the Asian mainland.
China has invested substantial financial amounts in Central Asia creating an economic dependence and strong connection between Beijing and Central Asian republics. Chinese economic presence in Central Asia might threaten Moscow’s Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) and the Kremlin’s desire to remain the leading geopolitical actor in this region.
Recent separate summits between China, India and Central Asian republics stressed New Delhi – Beijing’s competition in the region and their attempt to influence local dynamics exploiting the current situation in Afghanistan, economic cooperation, investments in infrastructural projects, and security cooperation against terrorism.
The opening of the first Chinese consulate in Iran, in the port city of Bandar Abbas, will boost Beijing’s investments on the Iranian coast of the Gulf of Oman. Beijing aims to establish several Chinese companies in the Makran region and connect Iranian ports to its Belt and Road Initiative.
Although China’s economic growth has slowed in recent months due to several COVID-19 outbreaks, energy shortages and a regulatory crackdown in some sectors, the overall economic recovery is stable. Annual GDP growth is expected to reach 8% in 2021, down 0.1 from the July forecast.
In connection with the 30th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and the five Central Asian states, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China, Wang Yi, confirmed Beijing’s commitment and strategy in Central Asia and the Chinese desire to expand further cooperation and partnership in the region.
The geostrategic importance that the Japanese Senkaku archipelago has assumed in recent years can be traced back to the geopolitical priorities identified by the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and the United States recognisable as the two most militarily equipped countries in the north-west Asia-Pacific area.
Amid the burgeoning sentimental relationship between Beijing and the resurrected Taliban’s Emirate 2.0, the al Qaeda-affiliated Turkestan Islamic Party (TIP) has aggravated its propaganda war against Communist China, hence cleverly concealing its historically faithful jihadi bonds with the Afghan Taliban.
The Island of Guam in the Asia-Pacific region plays a decisive role for the U.S. military and geopolitical strategy in countering Chinese expansion and influence in the area.
The presence of Uyghur suicide bombers in the ranks of the Islamic State-Khorasan increases Beijing’s fears about the threat to China’s national security emanating from Afghanistan.
With the installation of Xi Jinping as head of state in 2012, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) has identified the South China Sea as an area of high geopolitical importance for pursuing its geophysical peculiarities of specific political-strategic priorities.
China might expand its military presence in Central Asia by establishing bases in those countries where Beijing has invested financial funds to support the Belt and Road Initiative. At the same time, since the U.S. troops withdraw from Kabul, Beijigin aims to control border dynamics with Afghanistan, particularly in Tajikistan, and fill the vacuum left by Western military forces.
The Central Asian republic of Kyrgyzstan and China discussed implementing security cooperation to contrast terrorism, extremism, and separatism in the region and counter organised crime and illicit traffic. Since Kyrgyzstan play a decisive role in the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative, Beijing has economically supported the Kyrgyz economy and national development as the domestic security […]
The recent EU-China Comprehensive Agreement on Investment can mark the beginning of a new phase for Brussels-Washington relations, cause consequences on the geopolitical Eurasian chessboard, and give birth to the renewed French-German leadership/confrontation in Europe.
The U.S. order to close the Chinese consulate in Houston accused of conducting spying activities to steal secret information on new technologies marks a new escalation between Washington and Beijing whose consequences on the international arena might be dangerous and create a fracture during the COVID-19 crisis between those countries allied with the United States and those with China.
The European Union has shown its inability to face the emergency of Covid-19 and supporting Italy. Due to the lack of EU support Italy is strengthening its relations and cooperation with China considering that Beijing is interested in enhancing the Memorandum of Understanding toward the Belt and Road Initiative signed last year with the previous Italian government.
The People’s Republic of China is the main investor in the Central Asian republic of Tajikistan. In fact, since 2013, when Beijing launched the Belt and Road Initiative, China has invested significant financial funds in Central Asia to modernise regional infrastructure and stabilise this strategic area.
The recent crisis between Russia and Belarus due to the oil supply has shocked the geopolitical dynamics of the Eurasian chessboard and opened new opportunities for the European Union and China in case Moscow and Minsk will not find an agreement in a short time.