This report analyses the geopolitical dynamics and economic significance of the meeting, which gathered senior officials from Central Asian states and the U.S. Department of State convened in Dushanbe under the C5+1 format.
This report examines the geopolitical consequences of the armed clash on August 24, 2025, which involved Tajikistan border forces and Taliban fighters near the Panj River.
This report assesses the recent efforts by Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan to strengthen economic, infrastructural, and energy cooperation following their March 2025 border agreement.
The Central Asia Economic Forum (CAEF), held in Dushanbe in July 2025, confirmed Russia’s desire to preserve and expand its regional influence through business and cultural diplomacy.
On 23 July 2025, Belarus and Tajikistan held the first session of their intergovernmental commission on military-technical cooperation in Minsk.
This report examines Saudi Arabia’s recent $20 million investment in Tajikistan’s education infrastructure, which is part of a larger development program totalling $325 million.
This report evaluates Tajikistan’s response to the economic pressures stemming from Russia’s targeted import restrictions and Dushanbe’s concurrent implementation of a revised fiscal agreement with Moscow.
This report assesses the geopolitical risks tied to Tajikistan’s position in Western Critical Raw Material (CRM) supply chains, especially considering the antimony market, drawing on trade figures, publicly available investment data, and regional and international media coverage.
This report examines recent CSTO and Dushanbe’s efforts to bolster security on the Tajik-Afghan border, as the situation in northern Afghanistan worsens. Regional concerns about rising terrorism and illicit activity in Afghanistan’s border provinces pushed CSTO to start the first phase of its longstanding program.
The recent border agreement between Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan represents a historic achievement in Central Asian diplomacy. The Khujand Declaration, along with the agreed-upon border crossing, symbolises regional cooperation and stability.
The Fergana Valley, a strategically significant region in Central Asia, has long been a focal point of geopolitical tensions and economic development challenges. Spanning Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan, unresolved border disputes, ethnic tensions, terrorism, and economic fragility have shaped the valley.
The successful implementation of the CASA-1000 energy transmission project represents a critical milestone for regional cooperation in Central Asia. This initiative aims to facilitate the export of surplus hydroelectric power from Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan to Afghanistan and Pakistan, enhancing economic growth, regional stability, and international investment opportunities.
On 13 March 2025, the presidents of Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan signed a border agreement, formally resolving a long-standing territorial dispute. The deal led to the reopening of two border crossings closed since 2021 and the resumption of direct air travel and bus services.
This report evaluates Tajikistan’s ongoing military modernisation efforts, spearheaded by President Emomali Rahmon, focusing on the integration of advanced technologies, such as artificial intelligence (AI), and the broader geopolitical and economic challenges associated with the country’s defence strategy.
Tajik security forces suppressed an attempted prison break in Vahdat’s Colony No. 3/2, where Islamic State supporters staged a coordinated attack on guards. Official reports indicate that security forces killed three insurgents and detained the rest, though images suggest a higher casualty count.
In January 2025, Iran and Tajikistan significantly deepened their bilateral ties by signing 22 memorandums of understanding (MoUs) during high-level meetings in Dushanbe. These agreements span multiple sectors, including trade, energy, infrastructure, cultural exchange, and security. This development represents a pivotal moment in their diplomatic relationship, marked by the restoration of trust and mutual interest after years of strained ties.
Sayfiddin Tajibayev’s appointment to a senior position in the Syrian Ministry of Defence highlights a serious security risk to Tajikistan and Central Asia. This development could catalyse the movement of more extremists from Central Asia to Syria, facilitating the establishment of new foreign fighter networks and training centres.
This report analyses the recent diplomatic developments and economic cooperation initiatives between Tajikistan and Kuwait following President Emomali Rahmon’s official visit to Kuwait from November 3rd-5th, 2024.
President Emomali Rahmon’s recent visit to Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous Oblast (GBAO) marks a continued effort by the Tajik government to strengthen socio-economic development and enhance security in the region. Rahmon visited and inaugurated several infrastructure projects, emphasising development ahead.
The report analyses recent economic and security developments between Tajikistan and Pakistan, highlighting the implications of their expanding bilateral relations.
This report assesses security developments and counter-terrorism strategy in Tajikistan, focusing on the first half of 2024. It highlights the security implications of rising extremist activities compounded by internal challenges such as political repression, ethnic tensions, and economic instability.
Tajikistan presents a moderate risk profile for investors because of its political stability under authoritarian rule, weak economic development, and significant security challenges. Although the country has substantial natural resources and strategic ties with Russia and China, pervasive corruption, poor infrastructure, and proximity to conflict zones undermine its investment attractiveness.
This episode of the Geopolitical Report Podcast examines the evolving relationship between China and Tajikistan, focusing particularly on Beijing’s growing economic influence in the Central Asian republic. The analysis stems from a recent meeting between Tajik President Emomali Rahmon and Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi.
The last meeting in Fergana between the heads of the security services of Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan accentuated the countries’ desire to cooperate in regional security to face cross-border challenges, such as terrorism and extremism.
President Emomali Rahmon’s recent official visit to Italy signifies a significant step forward in Tajikistan’s diplomatic relations, underlining the nation’s strategic engagement with Italy across various domains, including political, economic, trade, cultural, humanitarian, and security spheres.
Russia and Tajikistan are currently engaged in joint counterterrorism exercises, which have become even more crucial because of the rise in terrorist activities in Afghanistan. This partnership between Moscow and Dushanbe highlights their commitment to enhancing military and defence cooperation.
The recent publication of the first issue of The Voice of Khurasan in the Tajik language (Sadoi Khurasan) underlined the Islamic State Wilayat Khurasan’s strategy to interest Tajik speakers in Central Asia and increase the pressure against Dushanbe’s government.
Although Tajik President Emomali Rahmon announced to the nation a prosperous future, Tajikistan still faces essential problems related to domestic stability, the threat coming from neighbouring Afghanistan, the government’s management of Gorno-Badakhshan, and the economic performance.
The Russian ambassador in Dushanbe recently underscored a notable upswing in collaborative efforts between Russia and Tajikistan, specifically in the realms of security and countering drug trafficking, confirming Moscow’s strategy to strengthen its influence in the Central Asian republic.
Emomali Rahmon’s meeting with Vladimir Putin reaffirmed the enduring strategic alliance between Moscow and Dushanbe, underscoring Russia’s deliberate emphasis on fortifying collaborative efforts with Tajikistan, particularly in matters pertaining to defence and security, along with education and societal domains.
Emomali Rahmon’s visits to the Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous Region (GBAO) highlights Dushanbe’s commitment to regional development and control, yet also expose the challenge of balancing local discontent with central authority.
The first-ever trilateral summit between Turkmenistan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan organised in Ashgabat underlined the desire of these three Central Asian republics to cooperate in different fields to guarantee regional stability and interconnection.
By improving security and defence cooperations, Pakistan is trying to increase its influence on Tajikistan and the regional security system of Central Asia as a whole and prevent the rise of jihadist groups.
The recent meeting between Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov and Tajikistan’s President Emomali Rahmon has unveiled the Central Asian republic’s strategic role for Moscow’s foreign policy in the region in defence, security, economy and social sectors.
Dagestan and Tajikistan’s entente on developing cooperation confirms the North Caucasus’s role in promoting relations between Russia and foreign countries, especially those in the blizhnee zarubezhe (near abroad) where the Kremlin wants to confirm its presence and influence.
The construction of the Dushanbe-Kulma highway, thanks to the Chinese investment, might support the interconnection between the Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous Region (GBAO) and the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR) with the final goal of improving local economies and stabilising these two strategic regions.
The Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous Oblast (GBAO) might be considered one of Central Asia’s most strategically important areas, attracting multiple global powers’ attention. Under Dushanbe’s control, the region has experimented with the confrontation between the central authority and the local population.
CSTO Secretary General Imangali Tasmagambetov’s visits to Bishkek and Dushanbe marked the Russian-led military organisations’ attempt to play a prominent role in resolving the Kyrgyzstan-Tajikistan border dispute and, therefore, stabilising the region.
The meetings between Tajik representatives and officials from Qatar and the Islamic Development Bank highlighted Tajikistan’s strategy to attract foreign investments from the Arab-Muslim world and Doha’s desire to play a significant role in the local and regional market.
In a phone call, Tajik President Emomali Rahmon discussed bilateral relations with Kyrgyz President Sadyr Zhaparov and the delimitation of the common border necessary to resolve Tajikistan-Kyrgyzstan territorial disputes which in the past have erupted in border clashes.
Recent counterterrorism military drills in Tajikistan highlighted Dushanbe’s necessity to upgrade its readiness and expertise in facing terrorist threats inside the country and jihadist activities from neighbouring areas of Afghanistan.
Since August 2022, Tajikistan has started a deflationary process in the consumer sector to reduce the prices of goods and tariffs and stimulate the national economy.
While the CSTO military exercises were taking place in Tajikistan, Dushanbe received U.S. representatives who confirmed Washington’s interest and strategy in strengthening the security and defence of the Tajik-Afghan borders.
Due to the borders drawn by the former Soviet Union with no regard for ethnic, political, economic, and cultural factors, the Central Asian countries Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan have faced each other for 31 years, and the recent military escalation highlighted regional instability and geopolitical strategies promoted by Dushanbe and Bishkek.
Tajikistan and China discussed economic, political and regional security cooperation, confirming Beijing’s rising role in Tajik local dynamics and Central Asia at the expense of Moscow’s regional strategy.
The establishment of Tehrik-e Taliban Tajikistan (TTT) alarmed Dushanbe Government. It highlighted how the security situation in Central Asia linked with Afghanistan has deteriorated since the Taliban took power in Kabul in August 2021.
In Tajikistan, local security forces and authorities emphasised the rising threat of terrorism and extremism in the country in the last six months, confirming that terrorist organisations such as the Islamic State have been able to exploit local disappointment and the unresolved issues that in Gorno-Badakhshan.
Iran and Tajikistan marked a significant step in their bilateral relations after the meeting of the Iranian and Tajik presidents and the signing of 16 cooperation agreements which stressed Tehran’s cultural diplomacy in Central Asia and Dushanbe’s attempt to diversify its foreign partners.
Recent clashes in Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous Region, border security problems with Afghanistan and the last Islamic State terrorist attack have underlined the problematic situation that Tajikistan needs to manage to guarantee national stability and security.
The recent Tajikistan-China business forum to develop investment cooperation highlighted Beijing’s economic strategy in the Central Asian republic and Dushanbe’s attempt to diversify its economy and attract more Chinese investors in its infrastructural projects.
China has invested substantial financial amounts in Central Asia creating an economic dependence and strong connection between Beijing and Central Asian republics. Chinese economic presence in Central Asia might threaten Moscow’s Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) and the Kremlin’s desire to remain the leading geopolitical actor in this region.
The European Union seeks to increase its economic partnership with Tajikistan to strengthen Brussels’ position in Central Asia and become part of Central Asia’s ‘New Great Game’ after the U.S. troops’ withdrawal from Afghanistan.
China might expand its military presence in Central Asia by establishing bases in those countries where Beijing has invested financial funds to support the Belt and Road Initiative. At the same time, since the U.S. troops withdraw from Kabul, Beijigin aims to control border dynamics with Afghanistan, particularly in Tajikistan, and fill the vacuum left by Western military forces.
Since India seeks to strengthen its position and influence in Central Asia to counter China and Pakistan and Tajikistan needs to diversify its international partners, New Delhi – Dushanbe economic and diplomatic partnership might have a geopolitical effect on regional dynamics.
The United Arab Emirates are among the Gulf countries the most active in Central Asia, as demonstrated by the participation of an Emirati business delegation at the International Business Forum Dushanbe-Invest 2021. Abu Dabhi’s investments in Tajikistan highlight Emirati strategy in the country and, generally speaking, in Central Asia to exploit economic opportunities and investment projects to make the UAE a leading foreign actor in the region.
The recent terrorist attack in Kunduz alarmed Tajikistan and Russia on the stability and security of the Afghan-Tajik borders and the Taliban ability to counter Islamic State and other terrorist groups in Afghanistan. In this framework, Moscow and Dushanbe are seeking to enhance their cooperation in the security field, confirming the Russian strategy to play a decisive role in Afghanistan and Central Asia.
La repubblica centro asiatica del Tagikistan è divenuta il centro della resistenza afghana nel Panjshir e il primo baluardo contro il Governo dei talebani in Afghanistan, fattore che ha indotto Mosca a richiedere un dialogo tra Dushanbe e Kabul per evitare una possibile escalation e un conflitto regionale.
The Russian Federation wants militarily to support Tajikistan with the aim of controlling the borders with Afghanistan and contrasting the possible Taliban offensive in the region.
Iran e Tagikistan hanno intensificato le loro relazioni e la cooperazione nelle ultime settimane come parte della strategia di Teheran di aumentare la sua presenza e il suo ruolo nella repubblica dell’Asia centrale.
Il presidente del Tagikistan Emomali Rahmon ha incontrato il ministro degli Interni iraniano Abdurrizo Rahmonia Fazil per discutere progetti congiunti nel settore sicurezza, evento che sottolinea l’interesse di Teheran nel promuovere la propria strategia in Asia centrale.
Il Tagikistan prevede di aumentare le forniture di elettricità ai paesi vicini, in particolare all’Afghanistan, costruendo linee elettriche ad alta tensione. Questo progetto sottolinea il piano del governo tagiko di trasformare il paese in un hub energetico in una regione strategica come l’Asia centrale.
L’Agenzia degli Stati Uniti per lo Sviluppo Internazionale (USAID) e la Banca Europea per la Ricostruzione e lo Sviluppo (EBRD) hanno confermato il loro impegno nel supportare il settore energetico del Tagikistan focalizzando l’attenzione sulle energie rinnovabili e sul rendere le forniture energetiche accessibili a tutta la popolazione.
The People’s Republic of China is the main investor in the Central Asian republic of Tajikistan. In fact, since 2013, when Beijing launched the Belt and Road Initiative, China has invested significant financial funds in Central Asia to modernise regional infrastructure and stabilise this strategic area.