The role of pro-Iran Shiite militias in Afghanistan

Hazara militants in Behsud
Hazara militants in Behsud (Credits: HazarGallery, CC BY-SA 4.0, via Wikimedia Commons)

Geopolitical Report ISSN 2785-2598 Volume 9 Issue 4
Author: Silvia Boltuc

The eventuality that Iran has supported the creation of Shiite militias in Afghanistan has caused diplomatic tensions between Tehran and Kabul and highlighted how fragile the country’s situation might be after the NATO troops’ withdrawal.

According to the Iranian newspaper Jomhouri-e Eslami, in Afghanistan, an Afghan Shiite militant organisation was established to confront the Taliban, who have significantly intensified their offensive operations against Afghan security forces in recent weeks.

The Administration of Afghan President Ashraf Ghani commented on the assumption of the Iranian newspaper, stating that the creation of a Shiite militant organisation in the Afghan territory might be interpreted as an Iranian leadership’s attempt to arrange an insurrection in the country.

The Iranian press shared data that the intensification of offensive actions by the Taliban led to a strong mobilisation of the Shiite population of Afghanistan. In particular, after dozens of Afghan districts surrendered to the Taliban, the Shiite militant group Hashd al-Shi’a (Shiite Mobilisation) emerged in Afghanistan. The group’s name reminds of the pro-Iran militia group in Iraq known as Hashd al-Sha’bi (Popular Mobilisation). Jomhouri-e Eslami also stated that among the fighters of Hashd al-Shi’a, there are members of the Fatimiyun Shiite division, an Afghan Shiite group believed to have been trained by the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) for the fighting in Syria.

Analysis

In Afghanistan, a Shiite militant group underlines the substantial Iranian involvement and Tehran’s desire to play a significant role after the NATO troops’ withdrawal. In addition, as some Afghan officials stated, on the one hand, Iran aims at countering and defeating the Taliban, but on the other hand, Tehran’s strategy might cause a rebellion in Afghanistan.

The Afghan government is not only trying to contrast the Taliban offensive and the creation of an Islamic Emirate in Afghanistan but is also attempting to avoid a deep internal crisis and the creation in the country of a scenario similar to Syria, Yemen, Iraq, and Lebanon where the Iranian Shiite militias are operating and promoting Tehran’s foreign policy.

In 2019, the Afghan administration unofficially expressed fears that thousands of Shiite militants who fought in Syria on the side of President Bashar al-Assad are now returning home and could create problems for Kabul. According to the Saudi newspaper Asharq Al-Awsat, Afghan security agencies noted that Shiite Hazaras, once recruited by Iranian officers, could become Tehran’s political instrument to strengthen its strategy in Afghanistan. By contrast, in June 2020, the United Nations released a report that informed the international community on the rise of pro-Iranian militant commanders among the Taliban.

The Shiite militant front in Afghanistan is linked with former field commanders of the Hazaras. Currently, the Shiite militants are trying to strengthen their position within the anti-Taliban militia movement composed of Hazaras, Tajiks, and Uzbeks and probably funded by the Afghan government.

Final assessment

Iran might have a double strategy in Afghanistan: on the one side, Tehran has unofficially supported the Taliban, as Jomhouri-e Elsami reported on its pages criticising Iranian officials, and the UN report confirmed last June. Conversely, the Iranian government might support Shiite militias in Afghanistan to strengthen its position and influence local dynamics. Whether the Taliban gained control of Afghanistan or the Afghan Shiite militias defended their position, assuming a significant leading role in the country, Tehran would, in both cases, improve its presence in the Afghan territory.

Written by

  • Silvia Boltuc

    SpecialEurasia Co-Founder & Managing Director. She is an international affairs specialist, business consultant, and political analyst who has supported private and public institutions in decision-making by providing reports, risk assessments, and consultancy. Because of her work and reporting activities, she has travelled in Europe, the Middle East, South-East Asia, and the post-Soviet space assessing domestic dynamics and situations and creating a network of local contacts. She is also the Director of the Energy & Engineering Department of CeSEM – Centro Studi Eurasia Mediterraneo and the Project Manager of Persian Files. Previously, she worked as an Associate Director at ASRIE Analytica. She was the co-author of the books Conflitto in Ucraina: rischio geopolitico, propaganda jihadista e minaccia per l’Europa (Enigma Edizioni 2022) and Geopolitica dell’Asia centrale (SpecialEurasia 2025), while she contributed with dedicated chapters to the books Il Nuovo Ordine Globale. I protagonisti del multilateralismo nelle aree continentali. Le principali istituzioni di riferimento in Africa, Americhe, Artico, Asia, Europa (Armando Editore 2024) and Asia Centrale. La riscoperta dell’Heartland. Le opportunità per l’Italia e l’Unione Europea (Armando Editore 2025). She speaks Italian, English, German, Russian and Arabic.

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