Persian Files ISSN 2975-0598 Volume 31 Issue 2
Author: Silvia Boltuc
Executive Summary
The seventh annual trilateral naval exercise “Maritime Security Belt 2025” started on March 10th, 2025, near Chabahar, Iran, encompassing anti-piracy, search-and-rescue, and naval combat exercises. The presence of Russia, China hosted by Iran in the strategically significant Gulf of Oman underscores their shared interest in countering Western influence and safeguarding themselves against an increasingly assertive Western bloc.
The exercise also signals deepening military cooperation, though the alliance remains one of convenience rather than deep strategic alignment. While Beijing, Moscow, and Tehran have overlapping interests, their broader geopolitical objectives do not always fully align. However, given that all three face persistent pressure from the US and Europe, they have found common ground in military and economic cooperation.
Background and Key Actors
The Gulf of Oman serves as a vital maritime corridor leading to the Strait of Hormuz, a critical chokepoint for the global oil trade. China, Russia, and Iran have conducted joint naval exercises in this region annually since 2018, aiming to strengthen military coordination in response to Western presence. Observers from multiple nations, including Azerbaijan, Iraq, Kazakhstan, Qatar, Oman, the UAE, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, and South Africa, indicate a growing international dimension to these exercises.
According to different sources, approximately 15 ships, support vessels, combat boats, and naval aviation helicopters are involved in the “Maritime Security Belt 2025” trilateral naval exercise.
Russia is represented by the corvettes “Rezky,” “Hero of the Russian Federation Aldar Tsydenzhapov,” and the medium-sized sea tanker “Pechenga” of the Pacific Fleet. The People’s Liberation Army Navy has dispatched the destroyer “Baotou” and the supply ship “Gaoyou Lake.” Iran’s forces include warships and IRGC naval infantry.
The drills focus on maritime security tasks, such as protecting international shipping, countering piracy and terrorism, and defending underwater communication lines.
Since the establishment of the Islamic Republic, Tehran has developed unorthodox strategies to protect its offshore assets along the Gulf coastline while simultaneously utilising them as a geopolitical means of deterrence, safeguarding the nation against the perceived, persistent threat of potential Western incursions.
Geopolitical Assessment
The timing of “Maritime Security Belt 2025” is significant, occurring against the backdrop of broader diplomatic tensions. It coincides with US-Ukraine negotiations scheduled for March 12th, 2025, in Saudi Arabia.
The exercise can be interpreted as a demonstration of defiance against Western diplomatic and military pressure. China’s participation aligns with its broader strategy of expanding its naval presence along key maritime routes, reinforcing its Belt and Road Initiative objectives.
Russia, facing continued Western sanctions, seeks to demonstrate global reach and military cooperation beyond the Ukraine conflict. Iran leverages these drills to strengthen its deterrence posture in the face of US and allied naval patrols in the region. Future iterations of these exercises may see expanded participation, further entrenching a multipolar security order in the region.
The exercise enhances military interoperability between Tehran, Beijing, and Moscow, enabling potential for future joint operations. The presence of multiple observer nations suggests an effort to expand geopolitical influence. Increased coordination between these states could challenge Western naval dominance in the Indian Ocean and Persian Gulf.
Economically, the exercise underscores China’s vested interest in securing energy transit routes, while militarily, it solidifies a counterbalance to US and allied naval forces. Diplomatic fallout may include heightened tensions with the United States and its partners, leading to increased military posturing in the region.
On March 9th, 2025, US President Donald Trump, in an interview aboard Air Force One with Fox News, stated that he was not at all concerned about the show of strength by the three US adversaries, asserting, that the US are stronger than all of them combined.
Prior to these remarks, Trump had reportedly sent a letter to Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei proposing negotiations for a new nuclear deal, which Tehran rejected. US President has advocated for a renewed “maximum pressure” campaign targeting Tehran’s nuclear aspirations and committed to halting all Iranian oil exports.
In fact, Washington imposed a new round of sanctions targeting Iran’s oil industry, the country’s primary source of income. Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov noted Iran was open to negotiations but insisted on a process based on mutual respect and constructive dialogue.
President Masoud Pezeshkian has showed a willingness to negotiate a new agreement akin to the 2015 nuclear deal, from which the US unilaterally withdrew in 2018 under previous Trump’s administration. However, the US has since maintained and reinforced economic sanctions on Iran’s oil industry.
Khamenei reiterated his stance against what he perceives as one-sided US demands, asserting that negotiation is a means to introduce new demands, extending beyond nuclear restrictions to matters such as military capabilities and regional influence.
The deteriorating situation in the Gaza Strip is likely to further strain Washington-Tehran relations. In fact, the reimplementation of Trump ‘maximum pressure approach’ occurs as the Middle East is embroiled in multiple crises, including a possible civil war in Syria and the ongoing war in Gaza and West Bank, heightened Israeli-Iranian hostilities, and the evolving political dynamics surrounding Saudi Arabia’s potential accession to the Abraham Accords.
US President’s broader Middle East strategy involves leveraging Saudi-Israeli cooperation to form a coalition aimed at countering Iran’s influence. While Saudi-Iranian reconciliation, facilitated by China’s diplomatic intervention, signals Riyadh’s strategic shift away from dependence on the US, the balance in the Gulf could quickly shift. Should Riyadh secure a security guarantee from Washington, Iran could face escalating threats along its borders. Israel is already active in neighbouring regions such as Iraqi Kurdistan and Azerbaijan, while the US fifth fleet remains stationed in Bahrain.
However, history has shown that despite their public rhetoric and opposing stances, both Washington and Tehran have consistently maintained backchannel communications and covert negotiations behind closed doors.
Conclusion
The northern Indian Ocean is one of the most important waterways in the world and plays a crucial role in international trade. Ensuring the full security of this shipping route, especially within the area between the Strait of Hormuz, the Strait of Malacca, and the Bab el-Mandeb Strait—known as the “Golden Triangle”—is essential for safeguarding global economic interests.
The “Maritime Security Belt 2025” exercise marks another step in the developing security architecture of the Indian Ocean region. The growing trilateral cooperation between Iran, Russia, and China presents a strategic counterweight to Western influence, reinforcing their commitment to an alternative security framework.
However, their collaboration remains pragmatic rather than deeply ideological, as their interests do not always perfectly align. The implications for global maritime stability will depend on future Western responses and the potential expansion of these drills into broader security partnerships. At the same time, diplomatic tensions between the US and Iran remain high.
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