China, Afghanistan, and Pakistan’s Engagement: Considering Economic Prospects and Security Constraints

Meeting between China, Afghanistan and Pakistan in Kabul, August 2025

Executive Summary

This report analyses China’s recent diplomatic and economic activities in Afghanistan and Pakistan, with a focus on agreements that aim to boost trade, security collaboration, and infrastructure development.

These developments highlight Beijing’s plan to incorporate Afghanistan into the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and gain access to key resources. Ongoing security threats, governance issues, and regional conflicts may hinder these goals

Key Takeaways

  1. China, Afghanistan, and Pakistan have reaffirmed their intent to expand political, economic, and security cooperation.
  2. China aims to incorporate Afghanistan into the Belt and Road Initiative to strengthen regional trade routes.
  3. Long-term investment faces considerable challenges because of security risks posed by militant groups and Afghanistan’s restricted international recognition.

Background Information

On August 20, 2025, the Chinese Foreign Minister, Wang Yi, met in Kabul with the Afghan Prime Minister, Mullah Mohammed al-Ghani, and senior Taliban officials to discuss economic cooperation, resource development, and security arrangements. Wang Yi reaffirmed Beijing’s support for Afghanistan’s sovereignty and its objection to financial limitations imposed on Kabul. China has stated its willingness to invest in mining, agriculture, and infrastructure, encompassing projects within the BRI.

This bilateral meeting followed a trilateral session between China, Pakistan, and Afghanistan in Kabul, where the three states pledged enhanced counter-terrorism cooperation, increased trade, transit facilitation, and further integration of Afghanistan into the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). The agreements underscored shared strategies for border management, along with China’s stated intention to help patrol the Wakhan Corridor.

Geopolitical Scenario

China’s approach to Afghanistan combines security imperatives with long-term economic positioning. Beijing is working to stabilise its western border regions, restrict Uyghur separatist groups’ activities, and establish dependable land routes to the Arabian Sea. Incorporating Afghanistan into BRI and extending CPEC serve both commercial and strategic purposes, reducing reliance on vulnerable maritime routes.

For the Taliban government, Chinese involvement is significant for both economic survival and gaining international legitimacy. However, its capacity to deliver security and governance remains doubtful. The Islamic State Wilayat Khorasan (ISKP) continues to stage high-profile attacks, challenging Taliban authority and directly threatening foreign investors. The Taliban’s unclear position on transnational militant groups, such as al-Qaeda or Uyghur factions, increases Beijing’s worries.

Pakistan plays a crucial facilitating role but is itself a source of uncertainty. Because of internal instability, economic vulnerability, and conflicts with Kabul concerning the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), Islamabad faces challenges in guaranteeing a stable corridor for Chinese projects.

Russia’s realistic approach to the Taliban, including its recognition of the Islamic Emirate, indicates a challenge to China’s power. Moscow aims to keep its influence in Central Asia and hinder Beijing from controlling Afghanistan’s economic integration. Iran similarly seeks to link Afghanistan to its own trade routes through Chabahar, offering an alternative to Chinese-controlled connectivity.

Beijing’s support for the Taliban in international forums, such as its resistance to freezing assets, seeks to build favour but could link it to a regime widely shunned globally. Continued instability or a major attack on Chinese assets might compel Beijing to re-evaluate its risk, revealing the delicate equilibrium that supports its present approach.

Afghanistan: Timeline history

Indicators to Monitor

  • Attacks on Chinese nationals, facilities, or interests within Afghanistan.
  • Taliban actions against ISKP and other transnational militant groups.
  • Jihadist propaganda against Chinese, Afghan, and Pakistani cooperation.
  • Progress in formalising Afghanistan’s participation in CPEC projects.
  • Shifts in Pakistan-Afghanistan relations affecting trilateral cooperation.
  • Russia and Iran’s diplomatic strategies seeking greater involvement in Afghan reconstruction.

Conclusion

China’s recent involvement shows a plan to include Afghanistan in regional economic projects while protecting its security concerns. However, ongoing militant activity, the Taliban’s governance problems, and conflicting regional interests jeopardise the long-term viability of these plans. The possibility of China achieving its economic goals in Afghanistan depends on closely monitoring security improvements and the effectiveness of trilateral processes.


*Cover image: A picture of the Sixth China-Afghanistan-Pakistan Trilateral Foreign Ministers’ Dialogue held in Kabul (Credits: Ministry of Foreign Affairs People’s Republic of China)

Written by

  • Giuliano Bifolchi

    SpecialEurasia Co-Founder & Research Manager. He has vast experience in Intelligence analysis, geopolitics, security, conflict management, and ethnic minorities. He holds a PhD in Islamic history from the University of Rome Tor Vergata, a master’s degree in Peacebuilding Management and International Relations from Pontifical University San Bonaventura, and a master’s degree in History from the University of Rome Tor Vergata. As an Intelligence analyst and political risk advisor, he has organised working visits and official missions in the Middle East, North Africa, Latin America, and the post-Soviet space and has supported the decision-making process of private and public institutions writing reports and risk assessments. Previously, he founded and directed ASRIE Analytica. He has written several academic papers on geopolitics, conflicts, and jihadist propaganda. He is the author of the books Geopolitical del Caucaso russo. Gli interessi del Cremlino e degli attori stranieri nelle dinamiche locali nordcaucasiche (Sandro Teti Editore 2020) and Storia del Caucaso del Nord tra presenza russa, Islam e terrorismo (Anteo Edizioni 2022). He was also the co-author of the book Conflitto in Ucraina: rischio geopolitico, propaganda jihadista e minaccia per l’Europa (Enigma Edizioni). He speaks Italian, English, Russian, Spanish and Arabic.

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